Niagara VIII APA-87 - History

Niagara VIII APA-87 - History

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Niagara VIII
(APA-87: dp. 7,080 (lim.); 1. 426'; b. 58'; dr. 15'; s. 16 k. cpl. 849)

The eighth Niagara (APA-87) was laid down 20 November 1944 under Maritime Commission contract by Consolidated Steel Corp., Wilmington, Calif.; launched 10 February 1945; sponsored by Mrs. Fred G. Gurley; acquired by the Navy 26 March 1945; and commissioned at San Pedro, C5alif., 29 March 1945, Lt. Comdr. Allan C. Hoffman, USNR, in command.

Following amphibious warfare training out of San Diego, Niagara sailed 26 May 1945 with cargo and 887 Marines, whom she landed at Pearl Harbor 1 June. In the following weeks she transported troops, cargo, ammunition, and mail between the various Hawaiian Islands. She stood out of Pearl Harbor 1 July bound, via the Marshalls and Carolines, for Okinawa, arriving Buckner Bay 5 August. After debarking 903 Army troops and their combat support weapons and eargo, she departed 8 August with 40 officers and 771 men of the 31st Naval Construetion Battalion for debarking at Guam in the Marianas. She arrived Apra Harbor on the morning of 15 August, the day of Japan's capitulation.

Niagara transported Navy passengers from Guam to the Philippines, arriving San Pedro Bay 20 August. She then set course for Cebu to embark the Army's 164th Regimental Combat Team, sailed 1 September, arrived Yokohama the 8th, and landed her occupation trooDs. She again headed for the Philippines 16 September to embark men of the Armv's 305th Infantry, 77th Division, landed at Otaru, Hokkaido,

Japan, 5 October. From there, she oarried men of the Navy's 128th Construetion Battalion to Apra Harbor. She stood out from Apra Harbor 22 October with an Army signal battalion bound for China. The attack transport reached Tientsin 29 October and sailed 10 November for the Marianas. Joining the "Magic-Carpet" fleet, she embarked Army troops in Tanapag Harbor, Saipan, Marianas; sailed the 20th; and reached San Francisco 4 December.

Niagara departed San Francisco 20 December for Samar Philippine Islands, arriving 10 January 1946. While there, she received word that she would participate in the atomic bomb tests of Operation "Crossroads" as a unit of Joint Task Force 1. She put to sea 3 February to prepare at Pearl Harbor, then sailed to Bikini Atoll in the Marshalls, arriving 31 May. A target ship, she survived the atomic explosions of 1 July and 25 July. She departed Bikini 21 August for Kwajalein and Pearl Harbor en route to San Francisco, arriving 16 September.

Niagara remained on the west coast until she departed San Diego 7 November, steaming via the Panama Canal to Hampton Roads, Va. She arrived Norfolk 2 December and decommissioned there 12 December 1946. After serving to test the effcets of special conventional explosives in the Chesapeake Bay, Niagara was sold for scrapping 5 February 1950 to the Northern Metals Co., Philadelphia, Pa.

Niagara VIII APA-87 - History

Denise Ascenzo , Niagara's History Unveiled, Series Special to Niagara Now

Many might not know the history of Our Western Home, an orphanage for young girls that was operated out of the old courthouse on King Street, where Rye Street Heritage Park is now located.

On Dec. 1, 1869, a woman named Maria Rye (Miss Rye) bought the courthouse and surrounding property to be used as a transitional home &mdash or as others might call it a distribution centre &mdash for young orphaned girls brought from England. She called it Our Western Home and from its opening in 1869 until its closing in 1913, more than 3,500 girls transitioned through the home.

Rye began her charitable work in the 1860s, escorting young, single, middle-class women to Australia and New Zealand in pursuit of husbands. However, the cost of that became prohibitive, so she turned her attention to the plight of much younger girls, some as young as 2-years-old, who she felt needed her help more.

Rye and her sister Elizabeth purchased a house in Peckham, England, calling it the Little Gutter Girls&rsquo Home, and Rye petitioned for many young girls to be removed from the workhouses in Liverpool and from the streets of London.

Some of these girls had families that could no longer care for them, while others were orphans, and it soon became apparent there was a great need to find homes for these girls.

With few places taking in young children in England, Rye turned her attention to Canada.

The government of England had felt sending young orphaned children to Canada would afford them a better opportunity with fresh air, plenty of food and loving families to care for them. For many children this was true, but there were also horrible stories of abuse.

On the journey to Canada, Rye would have the girls stay in the Peckham house to get them cleaned up, fed and healthy. Then, in groups of 60 to 80, she would personally escort them to Our Western Home. The girls&rsquo clothing and transportation costs were paid for by the Board of Guardians of England.

Upon arrival in Canada, the older girls would be given training in housekeeping, cooking, laundry, sewing and gardening, while some who showed potential were trained in the stationery business that Rye owned. Once the older girls were trained, they would do work placements in homes as household help or in shops as clerks.

They were paid, though the money was put into a trust account they couldn&rsquot access until the age of 21.

Younger girls were expected to learn basic chores before being placed for adoption into suitable Christian families. These families would be vetted and had to sign documents to state their intent to house, educate, raise them in the Church of England and look after the girls as if they were their own child.

Despite the good intentions of Our Western Home, inspections were not undertaken to ensure the girls were being properly educated and well-cared-for, and instances of abuse surfaced. In cases where it was brought to light, the girls were brought back to the home.

Some girls were also returned to the home by guardians who deemed them unfit, undisciplined or dull-witted. Rye did not permit these girls to live in Our Western Home as she was concerned they may negatively influence the younger girls. Instead, she boarded them close to the home in a red brick house at the corner of King and Cottage Streets, so they would be looked after until other arrangements were made.

By 1895, Rye retired and returned to England, donating both her property in Canada and the Peckham house in England to the Waifs and Strays Society of England. At that time a woman named Emily Bailey took over running Our Western Home.

In the book Bicentennial Stories of Niagara-on-the-Lake (1981), there is a delightful story by Doris Sheppard as told to the editor, John Field.

Sheppard tells of arriving at Our Western Home in 1902 at the age of 14, and describes how one of her first duties was to take care of the laundry and to put the younger girls to bed. She did not receive any pay for her work, just room and board, nonetheless she recounts how lovely the home was compared to where she had come from.

After residing in the home for a year, the cook for the home quit and Sheppard took the opportunity to take the position. She had no idea how to cook, but Bailey convinced her she could learn &mdash and she did.

She soon had a new navy dress and hat and was paid $3 a month for her work.

Sheppard lived and worked at the home for ten years, eventually earning $10 a month, before leaving the home at the age of 24.

When she left she was permitted to access the money in her bank account &mdash a staggering $750.

Our Western Home closed in 1913, a few years later and the entire building was torn down after World War One.

A small side note: I spoke with one of the town&rsquos maintenance workers who was on hand when trees were planted in Rye Street Heritage Park as part of the Canada 150 initiative. He said &ldquoeverywhere they dug holes they had to remove red bricks.&rdquo

On Sept. 28, 2018, the Niagara Historical Society and Museum, joined by the British Home Child Group International will be unveiling a historic plaque on the site of Our Western Home in Rye Street Heritage Park in Niagara-on-the-Lake to commemorate Miss Rye&rsquos girls .

Further details will be provided at a later date.

The British Home Child Group International has some interesting statistics on the children of Great Britain who were brought to Canada. One stat says 10 per cent of the Canadian population can trace their ancestry through children brought to Canada from England between the 1860s to the 1930s.

More information on these children can be found at,

Note: The Niagara Historical Society and Museum has a trunk on display that belonged to Eliza Morris, one of the young girls who arrived in Canada on May 12, 1873.

Eliza was born in England around 1861 and died in Wentworth, Hamilton on Sept. 4, 1889 at the age of 28.

In St. Mark&rsquos Anglican Church graveyard there is a plot bought by Maria Rye for any child who died in her care. The plot is marked by a large monument with a Celtic cross. The stone is inscribed &ldquoSacred to the memory of Our Western Home Niagara. Waiting for adoption, to wit the redemption of the body, Rom. VIII XXIII."

Bailey is buried in this plot with six children from the home.

To learn more about the topic of this story you can visit the Niagara Historical Society & Museum website at,, or visit the museum for yourself.

The Niagara Historical Museum is located at 43 Castlereagh Street, Niagara-on-the-Lake in Memorial Hall.


Using interpretation of "ambiguous designs" to assess an individual's personality is an idea that goes back to Leonardo da Vinci and Botticelli. [ citation needed ] Interpretation of inkblots was central to a game, Gobolinks, [9] from the late 19th century. Rorschach's, however, was the first systematic approach of this kind. [10] The ink blots were hand drawn by Rorschach. [11]

It has been suggested that Rorschach's use of inkblots may have been inspired by German doctor Justinus Kerner who, in 1857, had published a popular book of poems, each of which was inspired by an accidental inkblot. [12] French psychologist Alfred Binet had also experimented with inkblots as a creativity test, [13] and, after the turn of the century, psychological experiments where inkblots were utilized multiplied, with aims such as studying imagination and consciousness. [14]

After studying 300 mental patients and 100 control subjects, in 1921 Rorschach wrote his book Psychodiagnostik, which was to form the basis of the inkblot test (after experimenting with several hundred inkblots, he selected a set of ten for their diagnostic value), [15] but he died the following year. Although he had served as Vice President of the Swiss Psychoanalytic Society, Rorschach had difficulty in publishing the book and it attracted little attention when it first appeared. [16]

In 1927, the newly founded Hans Huber publishing house purchased Rorschach's book Psychodiagnostik from the inventory of Ernst Bircher. [17] Huber has remained the publisher of the test and related book, with Rorschach a registered trademark of Swiss publisher Verlag Hans Huber, Hogrefe AG. [18] The work has been described as "a densely written piece couched in dry, scientific terminology". [19]

After Rorschach's death, the original test scoring system was improved by Samuel Beck, Bruno Klopfer and others. [20] John E. Exner summarized some of these later developments in the comprehensive system, at the same time trying to make the scoring more statistically rigorous. Some systems are based on the psychoanalytic concept of object relations. The Exner system remains very popular in the United States, while in Europe other methods sometimes dominate, [21] [22] such as that described in the textbook by Evald Bohm, which is closer to the original Rorschach system and rooted more deeply in the original psychoanalysis principles. [ citation needed ]

Rorschach never intended the inkblots to be used as a general personality test, but developed them as a tool for the diagnosis of schizophrenia. It was not until 1939 that the test was used as a projective test of personality, a use of which Rorschach had always been skeptical. [23] Interviewed in 2012 for a BBC Radio 4 documentary, Rita Signer, curator of the Rorschach Archives in Bern, Switzerland, suggested that far from being random or chance designs, each of the blots selected by Rorschach for his test had been meticulously designed to be as ambiguous and "conflicted" as possible. [24]

The Rorschach test is appropriate for subjects from the age of five to adulthood. The administrator and subject typically sit next to each other at a table, with the administrator slightly behind the subject. Side-by-side seating of the examiner and the subject is used to reduce any effects of inadvertent cues from the examiner to the subject. In other words, side-by-side seating mitigates the possibility that the examiner will accidentally influence the subject's responses. [25] This is to facilitate a "relaxed but controlled atmosphere". There are ten official inkblots, each printed on a separate white card, approximately 18 by 24 cm in size. [26] Each of the blots has near perfect bilateral symmetry. Five inkblots are of black ink, two are of black and red ink and three are multicolored, on a white background. [27] [28] [29] After the test subject has seen and responded to all of the inkblots (free association phase), the tester then presents them again one at a time in a set sequence for the subject to study: the subject is asked to note where they see what they originally saw and what makes it look like that (inquiry phase). The subject is usually asked to hold the cards and may rotate them. Whether the cards are rotated, and other related factors such as whether permission to rotate them is asked, may expose personality traits and normally contributes to the assessment. [30] As the subject is examining the inkblots, the psychologist writes down everything the subject says or does, no matter how trivial. Analysis of responses is recorded by the test administrator using a tabulation and scoring sheet and, if required, a separate location chart. [25]

The general goal of the test is to provide data about cognition and personality variables such as motivations, response tendencies, cognitive operations, affectivity, and personal/interpersonal perceptions. The underlying assumption is that an individual will class external stimuli based on person-specific perceptual sets, and including needs, base motives, conflicts, and that this clustering process is representative of the process used in real-life situations. [31] Methods of interpretation differ. Rorschach scoring systems have been described as a system of pegs on which to hang one's knowledge of personality. [32] The most widely used method in the United States is based on the work of Exner.

Administration of the test to a group of subjects, by means of projected images, has also occasionally been performed, but mainly for research rather than diagnostic purposes. [25]

Test administration is not to be confused with test interpretation:

The interpretation of a Rorschach record is a complex process. It requires a wealth of knowledge concerning personality dynamics generally as well as considerable experience with the Rorschach method specifically. Proficiency as a Rorschach administrator can be gained within a few months. However, even those who are able and qualified to become Rorschach interpreters usually remain in a "learning stage" for a number of years. [25]

Features or categories

The interpretation of the Rorschach test is not based primarily on the contents of the response, i.e., what the individual sees in the inkblot (the content). In fact, the contents of the response are only a comparatively small portion of a broader cluster of variables that are used to interpret the Rorschach data: for instance, information is provided by the time taken before providing a response for a card can be significant (taking a long time can indicate "shock" on the card). [33] As well as by any comments the subject may make in addition to providing a direct response. [34]

In particular, information about determinants (the aspects of the inkblots that triggered the response, such as form and color) and location (which details of the inkblots triggered the response) is often considered more important than content, although there is contrasting evidence. [35] [36] "Popularity" and "originality" of responses [37] can also be considered as basic dimensions in the analysis. [38]


The goal in coding content of the Rorschach is to categorize the objects that the subject describes in response to the inkblot. There are 27 established codes for identifying the name of the descriptive object. The codes are classified and include terms such as "human", "nature", "animal", "abstract", "clothing", "fire", and "x-ray", to name a few. Content described that does not have a code already established should be coded using the code "idiographic contents" with the shorthand code being "Idio." [39] Items are also coded for statistical popularity (or, conversely, originality). [40]

More than any other feature in the test, content response can be controlled consciously by the subject, and may be elicited by very disparate factors, which makes it difficult to use content alone to draw any conclusions about the subject's personality with certain individuals, content responses may potentially be interpreted directly, and some information can at times be obtained by analyzing thematic trends in the whole set of content responses (which is only feasible when several responses are available), but in general content cannot be analyzed outside of the context of the entire test record. [41]


Identifying the location of the subject's response is another element scored in the Rorschach system. Location refers to how much of the inkblot was used to answer the question. Administrators score the response "W" if the whole inkblot was used to answer the question, "D" if a commonly described part of the blot was used, "Dd" if an uncommonly described or unusual detail was used, or "S" if the white space in the background was used. A score of W is typically associated with the subject's motivation to interact with his or her surrounding environment. D is interpreted as one having efficient or adequate functioning. A high frequency of responses coded Dd indicate some maladjustment within the individual. Responses coded S indicate an oppositional or uncooperative test subject. [26] [39]


Systems for Rorschach scoring generally include a concept of "determinants": These are the factors that contribute to establishing the similarity between the inkblot and the subject's content response about it. They can also represent certain basic experiential-perceptual attitudes, showing aspects of the way a subject perceives the world. Rorschach's original work used only form, color and movement as determinants. However currently, another major determinant considered is shading, [42] which was inadvertently introduced by poor printing quality of the inkblots. Rorschach initially disregarded shading, [43] since the inkblots originally featured uniform saturation, but later recognized it as a significant factor. [44] [45] [46]

Form is the most common determinant, and is related to intellectual processes. Color responses often provide direct insight into one's emotional life. Movement and shading have been considered more ambiguously, both in definition and interpretation. Rorschach considered movement only as the experiencing of actual motion, while others have widened the scope of this determinant, taking it to mean that the subject sees something "going on". [47]

More than one determinant can contribute to the formation of the subject's perception. Fusion of two determinants is taken into account, while also assessing which of the two constituted the primary contributor. For example, "form-color" implies a more refined control of impulse than "color-form". It is, indeed, from the relation and balance among determinants that personality can be most readily inferred. [47]

Symmetry of the test items

A striking characteristic of the Rorschach inkblots is their symmetry. Many unquestionably accept this aspect of the nature of the images but Rorschach, as well as other researchers, certainly did not. Rorschach experimented with both asymmetric and symmetric images before finally opting for the latter. [48]

He gives this explanation for the decision:

Asymmetric figures are rejected by many subjects symmetry supplied part of the necessary artistic composition. It has a disadvantage in that it tends to make answers somewhat stereotyped. On the other hand, symmetry makes conditions the same for right and left handed subjects furthermore, it facilitates interpretation for certain blocked subjects. Finally, symmetry makes possible the interpretation of whole scenes. [49]

The impact of symmetry in the Rorschach inkblot's has also been investigated further by other researchers. [48]

Exner scoring system

The Exner scoring system, also known as the Rorschach Comprehensive System (RCS), [50] is the standard method for interpreting the Rorschach test. It was developed in the 1960s by Dr. John E. Exner, as a more rigorous system of analysis. It has been extensively validated and shows high inter-rater reliability. [7] [51] In 1969, Exner published The Rorschach Systems, a concise description of what would be later called "the Exner system". He later published a study in multiple volumes called The Rorschach: A Comprehensive system, the most accepted full description of his system.

Creation of the new system was prompted by the realization that at least five related, but ultimately different methods were in common use at the time, with a sizeable minority of examiners not employing any recognized method at all, basing instead their judgment on subjective assessment, or arbitrarily mixing characteristics of the various standardized systems. [52]

The key components of the Exner system are the clusterization of Rorschach variables and a sequential search strategy to determine the order in which to analyze them, [53] framed in the context of standardized administration, objective, reliable coding and a representative normative database. [54] The system places a lot of emphasis on a cognitive triad of information processing, related to how the subject processes input data, cognitive mediation, referring to the way information is transformed and identified, and ideation. [55]

In the system, responses are scored with reference to their level of vagueness or synthesis of multiple images in the blot, the location of the response, which of a variety of determinants is used to produce the response (i.e., what makes the inkblot look like what it is said to resemble), the form quality of the response (to what extent a response is faithful to how the actual inkblot looks), the contents of the response (what the respondent actually sees in the blot), the degree of mental organizing activity that is involved in producing the response, and any illogical, incongruous, or incoherent aspects of responses. It has been reported that popular responses on the first card include bat, badge and coat of arms. [32]

Using the scores for these categories, the examiner then performs a series of calculations producing a structural summary of the test data. The results of the structural summary are interpreted using existing research data on personality characteristics that have been demonstrated to be associated with different kinds of responses.

With the Rorschach plates (the ten inkblots), the area of each blot which is distinguished by the client is noted and coded—typically as "commonly selected" or "uncommonly selected". There were many different methods for coding the areas of the blots. Exner settled upon the area coding system promoted by S. J. Beck (1944 and 1961). This system was in turn based upon Klopfer's (1942) work.

As pertains to response form, a concept of "form quality" was present from the earliest of Rorschach's works, as a subjective judgment of how well the form of the subject's response matched the inkblots (Rorschach would give a higher form score to more "original" yet good form responses), and this concept was followed by other methods, especially in Europe in contrast, the Exner system solely defines "good form" as a matter of word occurrence frequency, reducing it to a measure of the subject's distance to the population average. [56]

Performance assessment system

Rorschach performance assessment system (R-PAS) is a scoring method created by several members of the Rorschach Research Council. They believed that the Exner scoring system was in need of an update, but after Exner's death, the Exner family forbade any changes to be made to the Comprehensive System. [57] Therefore, they established a new system: the R-PAS. It is an attempt at creating a current, empirically based, and internationally focused scoring system that is easier to use than Exner's Comprehensive System. [58] The R-PAS manual is intended to be a comprehensive tool for administering, scoring, and interpreting the Rorschach. The manual consists of two chapters that are basics of scoring and interpretation, aimed for use for novice Rorschach users, followed by numerous chapters containing more detailed and technical information. [59]

In terms of updated scoring, the authors only selected variables that have been empirically supported in the literature. To note, the authors did not create new variables or indices to be coded, but systematically reviewed variables that had been used in past systems. [60] While all of these codes have been used in the past, many have been renamed to be more face valid and readily understood. Scoring of the indices has been updated (e.g. utilizing percentiles and standard scores) to make the Rorschach more in line with other popular personality measures.

In addition to providing coding guidelines to score examinee responses, the R-PAS provides a system to code an examinee's behavior during Rorschach administration. These behavioral codes are included as it is believed that the behaviors exhibited during testing are a reflection of someone's task performance and supplements the actual responses given. This allows generalizations to be made between someone's responses to the cards and their actual behavior.

The R-PAS also recognized that scoring on many of the Rorschach variables differed across countries. [60] Therefore, starting in 1997, Rorschach protocols from researchers around the world were compiled. [61] After compiling protocols for over a decade, a total of 15 adult samples were used to provide a normative basis for the R-PAS. The protocols represent data gathered in the United States, Europe, Israel, Argentina and Brazil.

Cultural differences

Comparing North American Exner normative data with data from European and South American subjects showed marked differences in some features, some of which impact important variables, while others (such as the average number of responses) coincide. [62] For instance, texture response is typically zero in European subjects (if interpreted as a need for closeness, in accordance with the system, a European would seem to express it only when it reaches the level of a craving for closeness), [63] and there are fewer "good form" responses, to the point where schizophrenia may be suspected if data were correlated to the North American norms. [64] Form is also often the only determinant expressed by European subjects [65] while color is less frequent than in American subjects, color-form responses are comparatively frequent in opposition to form-color responses since the latter tend to be interpreted as indicators of a defensive attitude in processing affect, this difference could stem from a higher value attributed to spontaneous expression of emotions. [63]

The differences in form quality are attributable to purely cultural aspects: different cultures will exhibit different "common" objects (French subjects often identify a chameleon in card VIII, which is normally classed as an "unusual" response, as opposed to other animals like cats and dogs in Scandinavia, "Christmas elves" (nisser) is a popular response for card II, and "musical instrument" on card VI is popular for Japanese people), [66] and different languages will exhibit semantic differences in naming the same object (the figure of card IV is often called a troll by Scandinavians and an ogre by French people). [67] Many of Exner's "popular" responses (those given by at least one third of the North American sample used) seem to be universally popular, as shown by samples in Europe, Japan and South America, while specifically card IX's "human" response, the crab or spider in card X and one of either the butterfly or the bat in card I appear to be characteristic of North America. [67] [68]

Form quality, popular content responses and locations are the only coded variables in the Exner systems that are based on frequency of occurrence, and thus immediately subject to cultural influences therefore, cultural-dependent interpretation of test data may not necessarily need to extend beyond these components. [69]

The cited language differences can result in misinterpretation if not administered in the subject's native language or a very well mastered second language, and interpreted by a master speaker of that language. For example, a bow tie is a frequent response for the center detail of card III, but since the equivalent term in French translates to "butterfly tie", an examiner not appreciating this language nuance may code the response differently from what is expected. [70]

Below are the ten inkblots printed in Rorschach Test – Psychodiagnostic Plates, [71] together with the most frequent responses for either the whole image or the most prominent details according to various authors.

United States

The Rorschach test is used almost exclusively by psychologists. Forensic psychologists use the Rorschach 36% of the time. [78] In custody cases, 23% of psychologists use the Rorschach to examine a child. [79] Another survey found that 124 out of 161 (77%) of clinical psychologists engaging in assessment services utilize the Rorschach, [80] and 80% of psychology graduate programs teach its use. [81] Another study found that its use by clinical psychologists was only 43%, while it was used less than 24% of the time by school psychologists. [78]

During World War II, United States Army Medical Corps chief psychiatrist Dr. Douglas Kelley and psychologist Gustave Gilbert administered the Rorschach test to the 22 defendants in the Nazi leadership group prior to the first Nuremberg trials, [82] and the test scores were published some decades later. [83]

Because of the large amount of data used to interpret the test, psychologist Zygmunt Piotrowski, began work to computerize ink blot interpretation in the 1950's and 1960's. This work included over 1,000 rules and included no summary nor narrative conclusions. [84] A subsequent computerized interpretation of Rorschach test scores, that included summary and conclusions [85] was developed in the 1970's by psychologists Perline and Cabanski, and marketed internationally. [86] This computerized interpretation of the test was used to interpret the set of scores developed by Dr. Gilbert on Nazi Hermann Goering [87] [88] along with several other Nazis while awaiting trial at Nuremberg Prison. [89]

In the 1980's psychologist John Exner developed a computerized interpretation of the Rorschach test, based on his own scoring system, the Exner Comprehensive System. [84] [90]

Presently, of the three computerized assessments, only the Exner system is available on the market.

The arguments for or against computerized assessment of the Rorschach is likely to remain unresolved for some time, as there is no absolute correct interpretation against which the different markers (scores) denoting mental health can be compared. Although scores for a theoretically typical healthy adult have been proposed [91] and reasonable attempts to standardize the computer interpretation against these scores have been obtained, [87] [88] more work in this area needs to be done.

United Kingdom

Many psychologists in the United Kingdom do not trust its efficacy and it is rarely used. [92] Although skeptical about its scientific validity, some psychologists use it in therapy and coaching "as a way of encouraging self-reflection and starting a conversation about the person's internal world." [23] It is still used, however, by some mental health organisations such as the Tavistock Clinic. [93] In a survey done in the year 2000, 20% of psychologists in correctional facilities used the Rorschach while 80% used the MMPI. [94]


Shortly after publication of Rorschach's book, a copy found its way to Japan where it was discovered by one of the country's leading psychiatrists in a second-hand book store. He was so impressed that he started a craze for the test that has never diminished. [95] The Japanese Rorschach Society is by far the largest in the world and the test is "routinely put to a wide range of purposes". [24] In 2012 the test was described, by presenter Jo Fidgen, for BBC Radio 4's programme Dr Inkblot, as "more popular than ever" in Japan. [93]

Some skeptics consider the Rorschach inkblot test pseudoscience, [8] [96] as several studies suggested that conclusions reached by test administrators since the 1950s were akin to cold reading. [97] In the 1959 edition of Mental Measurement Yearbook, Lee Cronbach (former President of the Psychometric Society and American Psychological Association) [98] is quoted in a review: "The test has repeatedly failed as a prediction of practical criteria. There is nothing in the literature to encourage reliance on Rorschach interpretations." In addition, major reviewer Raymond J. McCall writes (p. 154): "Though tens of thousands of Rorschach tests have been administered by hundreds of trained professionals since that time (of a previous review), and while many relationships to personality dynamics and behavior have been hypothesized, the vast majority of these relationships have never been validated empirically, despite the appearance of more than 2,000 publications about the test." [99] A moratorium on its use was called for in 1999. [100]

A 2003 report by Wood and colleagues had more mixed views: "More than 50 years of research have confirmed Lee J. Cronbach's (1970) final verdict: that some Rorschach scores, though falling woefully short of the claims made by proponents, nevertheless possess 'validity greater than chance' (p. 636). [. ] Its value as a measure of thought disorder in schizophrenia research is well accepted. It is also used regularly in research on dependency, and, less often, in studies on hostility and anxiety. Furthermore, substantial evidence justifies the use of the Rorschach as a clinical measure of intelligence and thought disorder." [101]

Test materials

The basic premise of the test is that objective meaning can be extracted from responses to blots of ink which are supposedly meaningless. Supporters of the Rorschach inkblot test believe that the subject's response to an ambiguous and meaningless stimulus can provide insight into their thought processes, but it is not clear how this occurs. Also, recent research shows that the blots are not entirely meaningless, and that a patient typically responds to meaningful as well as ambiguous aspects of the blots. [7] Reber (1985) describes the blots as merely ".. the vehicle for the interaction .." between client and therapist, concluding: ".. the usefulness of the Rorschach will depend upon the sensitivity, empathy and insightfulness of the tester totally independently of the Rorschach itself. An intense dialogue about the wallpaper or the rug would do as well provided that both parties believe." [102]

Illusory and invisible correlations

In the 1960s, research by psychologists Loren and Jean Chapman showed that at least some of the apparent validity of the Rorschach was due to an illusion. [103] [104] At that time, the five signs most often interpreted as diagnostic of homosexuality were 1) buttocks and anuses 2) feminine clothing 3) male or female sex organs 4) human figures without male or female features and 5) human figures with both male and female features. [104] [105] The Chapmans surveyed 32 experienced testers about their use of the Rorschach to diagnose homosexuality. At this time homosexuality was regarded as a psychopathology, and the Rorschach was the most popular projective test. [6] The testers reported that homosexual men had shown the five signs more frequently than heterosexual men. [104] [106] Despite these beliefs, analysis of the results showed that heterosexual men were just as likely to report these signs, which were therefore totally ineffective for determining homosexuality. [103] [105] [106] The five signs did, however, match the guesses students made about which imagery would be associated with homosexuality. [105]

The Chapmans investigated the source of the testers' false confidence. In one experiment, students read through a stack of cards, each with a Rorschach blot, a sign and a pair of "conditions" (which might include homosexuality). The information on the cards was fictional, although subjects were told it came from case studies of real patients. [103] The students reported that the five invalid signs were associated with homosexuality, even though the cards had been constructed so there was no association at all. [105] [106] The Chapmans repeated this experiment with another set of cards, in which the association was negative the five signs were never reported by homosexuals. The students still reported seeing a strong positive correlation. [6] [106] These experiments showed that the testers' prejudices could result in them "seeing" non-existent relationships in the data. The Chapmans called this phenomenon "illusory correlation" and it has since been demonstrated in many other contexts. [103] [104]

A related phenomenon called "invisible correlation" applies when people fail to see a strong association between two events because it does not match their expectations. [104] This was also found in clinicians' interpretations of the Rorschach. Homosexual men are more likely to see a monster on Card IV or a part-animal, part-human figure in Card V. [6] [105] Almost all of the experienced clinicians in the Chapmans' survey missed these valid signs. [6] [103] The Chapmans ran an experiment with fake Rorschach responses in which these valid signs were always associated with homosexuality. The subjects missed these perfect associations and instead reported that invalid signs, such as buttocks or feminine clothing, were better indicators. [103]

In 1992, the psychologist Stuart Sutherland argued that these artificial experiments are easier than the real-world use of the Rorschach, and hence they probably underestimated the errors that testers were susceptible to. He described the continuing popularity of the Rorschach after the Chapmans' research as a "glaring example of irrationality among psychologists". [103]

Tester projection

Some critics argue that the testing psychologist must also project onto the patterns. A possible example sometimes attributed to the psychologist's subjective judgement is that responses are coded (among many other things), for "Form Quality": in essence, whether the subject's response fits with how the blot actually looks. Superficially this might be considered a subjective judgment, depending on how the examiner has internalized the categories involved. But with the Exner system of scoring, much of the subjectivity is eliminated or reduced by use of frequency tables that indicate how often a particular response is given by the population in general. [7] Another example is that the response "bra" was considered a "sex" response by male psychologists, but a "clothing" response by females. [107] In Exner's system, however, such a response is always coded as "clothing" unless there is a clear sexual reference in the response. [7]

Third parties could be used to avoid this problem, but the Rorschach's inter-rater reliability has been questioned. That is, in some studies the scores obtained by two independent scorers do not match with great consistency. [108] This conclusion was challenged in studies using large samples reported in 2002. [109]


When interpreted as a projective test, results are poorly verifiable. The Exner system of scoring (also known as the "Comprehensive System") is meant to address this, and has all but displaced many earlier (and less consistent) scoring systems. It makes heavy use of what factor (shading, color, outline, etc.) of the inkblot leads to each of the tested person's comments. Disagreements about test validity remain: while the Exner proposed a rigorous scoring system, latitude remained in the actual interpretation, and the clinician's write-up of the test record is still partly subjective. [110] Reber (1985) comments ".. there is essentially no evidence whatsoever that the test has even a shred of validity." [102]

Nevertheless, there is substantial research indicating the utility of the measure for a few scores. Several scores correlate well with general intelligence. One such scale is R, the total number of responses this reveals the questionable side-effect that more intelligent people tend to be elevated on many pathology scales, since many scales do not correct for high R: if a subject gives twice as many responses overall, it is more likely that some of these will seem "pathological". Also correlated with intelligence are the scales for Organizational Activity, Complexity, Form Quality, and Human Figure responses. [111] The same source reports that validity has also been shown for detecting such conditions as schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders thought disorders and personality disorders (including borderline personality disorder). There is some evidence that the Deviant Verbalizations scale relates to bipolar disorder. The authors conclude that "Otherwise, the Comprehensive System doesn't appear to bear a consistent relationship to psychological disorders or symptoms, personality characteristics, potential for violence, or such health problems as cancer". [112] (Cancer is mentioned because a small minority of Rorschach enthusiasts have claimed the test can predict cancer.) [113]


It is also thought [ by whom? ] that the test's reliability can depend substantially on details of the testing procedure, such as where the tester and subject are seated, any introductory words, verbal and nonverbal responses to subjects' questions or comments, and how responses are recorded. Exner has published detailed instructions, but Wood et al. [107] cites many court cases where these had not been followed. Similarly, the procedures for coding responses are fairly well specified but extremely time-consuming leaving them very subject to the author's style and the publisher to the quality of the instructions (such as was noted with one of Bohm's textbooks in the 1950s [114] ) as well as clinic workers (which would include examiners) being encouraged to cut corners. [115] [116]

United States courts have challenged the Rorschach as well. Jones v Apfel (1997) stated (quoting from Attorney's Textbook of Medicine) that Rorschach "results do not meet the requirements of standardization, reliability, or validity of clinical diagnostic tests, and interpretation thus is often controversial". [117] In State ex rel H.H. (1999) where under cross-examination Dr. Bogacki stated under oath "many psychologists do not believe much in the validity or effectiveness of the Rorschach test" [117] and US v Battle (2001) ruled that the Rorschach "does not have an objective scoring system." [117]

Population norms

Another controversial aspect of the test is its statistical norms. Exner's system was thought to possess normative scores for various populations. But, beginning in the mid-1990s others began to try to replicate or update these norms and failed. In particular, discrepancies seemed to focus on indices measuring narcissism, disordered thinking, and discomfort in close relationships. [118] Lilienfeld and colleagues, who are critical of the Rorschach, have stated that this proves that the Rorschach tends to "overpathologise normals". [118] Although Rorschach proponents, such as Hibbard, [119] suggest that high rates of pathology detected by the Rorschach accurately reflect increasing psychopathology in society, the Rorschach also identifies half of all test-takers as possessing "distorted thinking", [120] a false positive rate unexplained by current research.

The accusation of "over-pathologising" has also been considered by Meyer et al. (2007). They presented an international collaborative study of 4704 Rorschach protocols, obtained in 21 different samples, across 17 different countries, with only 2% showing significant elevations on the index of perceptual and thinking disorder, 12% elevated on indices of depression and hyper-vigilance and 13% elevated on persistent stress overload—all in line with expected frequencies among non-patient populations. [121]


The test is also controversial because of its common use in court-ordered evaluations. [ citation needed ] This controversy stems, in part, from the limitations of the Rorschach, with no additional data, in making official diagnoses from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV). [122] Irving B. Weiner (co-developer with John Exner of the Comprehensive system) has stated that the Rorschach "is a measure of personality functioning, and it provides information concerning aspects of personality structure and dynamics that make people the kind of people they are. Sometimes such information about personality characteristics is helpful in arriving at a differential diagnosis, if the alternative diagnoses being considered have been well conceptualized with respect to specific or defining personality characteristics". [123] In the vast majority of cases, anyway, the Rorschach test wasn't singled out but used as one of several in a battery of tests, [124] and despite the criticism of usage of the Rorschach in the courts, out of 8,000 cases in which forensic psychologists used Rorschach-based testimony, the appropriateness of the instrument was challenged only six times, and the testimony was ruled inadmissible in only one of those cases. [81] One study has found that use of the test in courts has increased by three times in the decade between 1996 and 2005, compared to the previous fifty years. [124] Others however have found that its usage by forensic psychologists has decreased. [125]

Exner and others have claimed that the Rorschach test is capable of detecting suicidality. [126] [127] [128]

Protection of test items and ethics

Psychologists object to the publication of psychological test material out of concerns that a patient's test responses will be influenced ("primed") by previous exposure. The Canadian Psychological Association takes the position that, "Publishing the questions and answers to any psychological test compromises its usefulness" and calls for "keeping psychological tests out of the public domain." [129] The same statement quotes their president as saying, "The CPA's concern is not with the publication of the cards and responses to the Rorschach test per se, for which there is some controversy in the psychological literature and disagreement among experts, but with the larger issue of the publication and dissemination of psychological test content".

From a legal standpoint, the Rorschach test images have been in the public domain for many years in most countries, particularly those with a copyright term of up to 70 years post mortem auctoris. They have been in the public domain in Hermann Rorschach's native Switzerland since 1992 (70 years after the author's death, or 50 years after the cut-off date of 1942), according to Swiss copyright law. [130] [131] They are also in the public domain under United States copyright law [132] [133] where all works published before 1923 are considered to be in the public domain. [134] This means that the Rorschach images may be used by anyone for any purpose. William Poundstone was, perhaps, first to make them public in his 1983 book Big Secrets, where he also described the method of administering the test. [ citation needed ]

The American Psychological Association (APA) has a code of ethics that supports "freedom of inquiry and expression" and helping "the public in developing informed judgments". [135] It claims that its goals include "the welfare and protection of the individuals and groups with whom psychologists work", and it requires that psychologists "make reasonable efforts to maintain the integrity and security of test materials". The APA has also raised concerns that the dissemination of test materials might impose "very concrete harm to the general public". It has not taken a position on publication of the Rorschach plates but noted "there are a limited number of standardized psychological tests considered appropriate for a given purpose". [136] A public statement by the British Psychological Society expresses similar concerns about psychological tests (without mentioning any test by name) and considers the "release of [test] materials to unqualified individuals" to be misuse if it is against the wishes of the test publisher. [137] In his 1998 book Ethics in Psychology, Gerald Koocher notes that some believe "reprinting copies of the Rorschach plates . and listing common responses represents a serious unethical act" for psychologists and is indicative of "questionable professional judgment". [138] Other professional associations, such as the Italian Association of Strategic Psychotherapy, recommend that even information about the purpose of the test or any detail of its administration should be kept from the public, even though "cheating" the test is held to be practically impossible. [139]

On September 9, 2008, Hogrefe attempted to claim copyright over the Rorschach ink blots during filings of a complaint with the World Intellectual Property Organization against the Brazilian psychologist Ney Limonge. These complaints were denied. [140] Further complaints were sent to two other websites that contained information similar to the Rorschach test in May 2009 by legal firm Schluep and Degen of Switzerland. [141] [142]

Psychologists have sometimes refused to disclose tests and test data to courts when asked to do so by the parties citing ethical reasons it is argued that such refusals may hinder full understanding of the process by the attorneys, and impede cross-examination of the experts. APA ethical standard 1.23(b) states that the psychologist has a responsibility to document processes in detail and of adequate quality to allow reasonable scrutiny by the court. [143]

Controversy ensued in the psychological community in 2009 when the original Rorschach plates and research results on interpretations were published in the "Rorschach test" article on Wikipedia. [144] Hogrefe & Huber Publishing, a German company that sells editions of the plates, called the publication "unbelievably reckless and even cynical of Wikipedia" and said it was investigating the possibility of legal action. [144] Due to this controversy an edit filter was temporarily established on Wikipedia to prevent the removal of the plates. [145]

James Heilman, an emergency room physician involved in the debate, compared it to the publication of the eye test chart: though people are likewise free to memorize the eye chart before an eye test, its general usefulness as a diagnostic tool for eyesight has not diminished. [144] For those opposed to exposure, publication of the inkblots is described as a "particularly painful development", given the tens of thousands of research papers which have, over many years, "tried to link a patient's responses to certain psychological conditions." [144] Controversy over Wikipedia's publication of the inkblots has resulted in the blots being published in other locations, such as The Guardian [146] and The Globe and Mail. [147] Later that year [ when? ] two psychologists filed a complaint against Heilman with the Saskatchewan medical licensing board, arguing that his uploading of the images constituted unprofessional behavior. [148] In 2012 two articles were published showing consequences of the publication of the images in Wikipedia. The first one studied negative attitudes towards the test generated during the Wikipedia-Rorschach debate, [149] while the second suggested that reading the Wikipedia article could help to fake "good" results in the test. [150]

Publication of the Rorschach images is also welcomed by critics who consider the test to be pseudoscience. Benjamin Radford, editor of Skeptical Inquirer magazine, stated that the Rorschach "has remained in use more out of tradition than good evidence" and was hopeful that publication of the test might finally hasten its demise. [151]


The main watershed of Wales runs approximately north-south along the central highlands. The larger river valleys all originate there and broaden westward near the sea or eastward as they merge into lowland plains along the English border. The Severn and Wye, two of Britain’s longest rivers, lie partly within central and eastern Wales and drain into the Bristol Channel via the Severn estuary. The main river in northern Wales is the Dee, which empties into Liverpool Bay. Among the lesser rivers and estuaries are the Clwyd and Conwy in the northeast, the Tywi in the south, and the Rheidol in the west, draining into Cardigan Bay (Bae Ceredigion). The country’s natural lakes are limited in area and almost entirely glacial in origin. Several reservoirs in the central uplands supply water to South Wales and to Merseyside and the Midlands in England.

Thomas Alexander "Gus" McKie VIII | 2021 | Obituary

Thomas Alexander &ldquoGus&rdquo McKie VIII, 82, of the Town of Niagara, passed away after a brief illness on January 19, 2021 while under the care of Orchard Rehab and Nursing Center, Medina, NY.

A member of the Snipe Clan of the Tuscarora Nation, he was born in Niagara Falls, NY the son of the late Thomas Alexander McKie VII and the late Hattie Williams McKie. In 1964, he married the love of his life, the former Myrtle Kay Patterson. They were happily married until her death in 1995.

Gus was employed as a union roofer working through Roofers Local 74 for over 25 years until his retirement in 1989. Upon his retirement Gus remained active working on local farms and with H. A. Treichler & Sons in Sanborn. Along with farming enjoyed traveling, watching sports, especially football and wrestling, tractor pulls and the History Channel. He was known for his excellent memory of was often called upon to relive events through his ability to recall oral history.

Gus is survived by his loving children, Marion (Bill Falls) and Timothy (Jolene) McKie, along with his cherished grandchildren Mia McKie, Kayleigh Falls and Will (Cristy) Falls. Gus was the brother to William &ldquoNick&rdquo (Louise) McKie, the late Alfred (late Amy) Printup, the late Bernice &ldquoLovey&rdquo (late George) Kraft, the late Rose Baliukonis, and late Claire (late Joseph) DellaValle, Sr. Gus was also cherished by his in-laws, Susan Schandreau, Neil (late Francine) Patterson, Sr., and the late Franklin &ldquoBig Man&rdquo (Phyllis &ldquoBink&rdquo) Patterson, Jr. along with many nieces, nephews and cousins.

Peter Lampman (1749 - 1834)

Peter Lampman, German church, Dec. 28, aged 86 years. [One of the earliest settlers near Thorold. Came from New York in 1783. His tombstone in the graveyard of the old Lutheran Church describes him as "a pious, faithful member of the German Lutheran Church." He resided fifty years in the Township of Niagara.]

The statutes of Upper Canada CHAP. XLIIL

AN ACT authorising the payment of Pensions to certain Militia during the late War with the United States of America, under certain restrictions.

WHEREAS John Ryan, of the Township of Toronto, in the Home District Peter Lampman, of Niagara, in the Niagara District. and Adam Stull, of Grantham, in the Niagara District, have petitioned the Legislature, praying to be restored to the Militia Pension List of this Province : And whereas, the said John Ryan, Peter Lampman, and Adam Stull, were wounded during the late war with the United States of America, and enjoyed a Pension up to the year one thousand eight hundred and twentyone, and it is expedient that they should be restored to the Militia Pension List of this Province : Be it therefore enacted, by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the Province of Upper Canada, constituted and assembled by virtue of and under the authority of an Act passed in the Parliament of Great Britain, entitled, An Act to repeal certain parts of an Act passed in the fourteenth year of His Majesty's reign, entitled, "An Act for making more effectual provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec, in North America, and to make further provision for the Government of the said Province" and by the authority of the same, That it shall and may be lawful for the Lieutenant Governor of this Province, upon the said John Ryan, Peter Lampman, and Adam Stull, respectively, producing the certificate of the Board authorised to be established by an Act passed in the first Session of the present Parliament, entitled, An Act authorising the payment of Pensions to Militiamen disabled during the iate war with the United States of America, under certain restrictions to cause the name of the said John Ryan, Peter Lampman, and Adam Stull, or either of them, to be restored to the Militia Pension List of this Province,and the said John Ryan, Peter Lampman, and Adam Stull, or either of them, on their or either of them being restored, shall from thenceforth be entitled to receive a Pension of Twenty Pounds per annum, in the same manner as other Militia Pensioners.

names of John Ryan, nan, and to pension cortaia rcatricUodb.

AN ACT to provide Pensions for the Widows and Children of Militiamen killed during the late Rebellion, and for other purposes therein mentioned.

  • Fact: Christening (24 September 1749) Athens, Greene, New York, United States
  • Fact: Burial (1835) St. Peter's Cemetery Welland, Canada West, British Colonial America
  • Fact: Peter Lampman was a United Empire Loyalist who came to Canada from New York and settled in Grantham.

Peter Lampman was originally buried in St. Peter's Cemetery. His remains were reinterred in Lakeview Cemetery because of further construction on the Welland Canal.


The Ecumenical Task Force of the Niagara Frontier, Inc. (ETF) was founded in 1979 as a non-profit organization dedicated to the protection of human and natural resources from chemical and radiological contamination in the Western New York area and within the Great Lakes eco-system. Its mission and purpose addressed the physical, psychological, social, economic, moral, and ethical issues inherent in the environmental concerns that impact persons and communities.

Organizationally, the ETF was made up of approximately 75 voting members and a 25-person Scientific and Technical Advisory Board, selected annually. The Executive Board was elected from ten Western New York denominational institutions. From 1979-1988 Sister Margeen Hoffmann served as Executive Director of ETF and later Pat Brown took over the position from 1989-1991.

To promote its mission of educating the public on the hazards of chemicals and toxic waste dump sites, the ETF expended resources in its public education programs. They participated in many local and national environmental conferences and presented informational talks to several religious, governmental, and educational organizations.

Often it was necessary for ETF to pursue legal action. The ETF became involved in civil court cases against chemical polluters. When able, the ETF represented Western New York residents affected by toxic waste in litigation as an amicus curiae. For this, the Scientific and Technical Advisory Board was called to present testimony and scientific analysis for alternative remediation and technology.

A large part of the ETF's work was dedicated to providing direct relief for victims of hazardous waste exposure in the Love Canal area. Prior to the relocation of remaining Love Canal residents in 1980, they provided counseling, temporary shelter, and other services to affected residents. Later they also served as intermediaries with state and local officials to facilitate the relocation process. Retained by the Love Canal Area Revitalization Agency, the ETF coordinated the review of all technical data on Love Canal issues and made impartial recommendations with respect to the habitability of the Love Canal area.

Although the Love Canal disaster was the ETF's main focus, it was not the only one. They also worked for the betterment of the community after various chemical corporations including CECOS International, Inc. and Hooker Chemical and Plastics Corporation were responsible for the contamination of other local area sites such as the Hyde Park Landfill, the S-Area Landfill, and Forrest Glenn.

See Series VIII. Hazardous Waste Management Facilities, Chemical Companies and Other Toxic Waste Sites for more information on ETF's work for these other contaminated areas.

The ETF dissolved in the early 1990's.

Patricia A. Brown was a resident of the Love Canal area in Niagara Falls, New York. After toxic chemicals from the nearby chemical dumpsite were discovered seeping into residents homes, Brown took action and volunteered with the newly formed Ecumenical Task Force. Soon she was employed as the executive secretary for the organization and later became the ETF Resource Center manager, developing and operating the organization's library.

In 1989 Brown took over as Executive Director and continued to expand the ETF's programs in research, activism and education. She gave speeches, and participated in government hearings and committees. Personally she continued to develop her activism beyond the ETF by becoming involved in the Niagara Falls Hazardous Materials Advisory Committee, the Environmental Liaison Committee, the Niagara Falls Chamber of Commerce, the Toxics in Your Community Coalition (based in Albany, NY), and the Niagara County Legislature Citizens Advisory Committee.

Pat Brown died in February 1999

Niagara VIII APA-87 - History

History of Niagara University
Seminary of Our Lady of Angels

(Digitized by Charles Keyes)

Below you will find the digitized version of the Diamond Jubilee History of Niagara University published in 1931. To view the chapters, you will need to have Adobe Acrobat Reader installed on your computer. Please note that these pdf files files are large and will take a few minutes to download with a dial-up modem. The files under "Images" on the left side of this page are in jpeg or gif formats and should be viewable within your browser.

II. The Voice of Many Waters Pages 11-24

III. Clashing Arms and Warring Rapids Pages 25-35
Pages 36-45

IV. How Far to Niagara Falls Pages 46-53

VII. Hic Habitabo, Quonaim Elegi EAM Pages 85-104

VIII. "God Answers Sharp and Sudden on Some Prayers, and Thrusts the Thing We Prayed For In Our Face" Pages 105-125

IX. "If I Laugh at any Mortal Thing, Tis that I May not Weep" Pages 126-139

X. "And There Followed hail and Fire, Mingled with Blood" Pages 140-152

XI. The Commencement of '62 Pages 153-178

XII. The Days of Reconstruction Pages 179-193

XIII. The Dawn of Prosperity Pages 194-211

XIV. The Mysteries Sorrowful and Glorious Pages 212-227

XVI. The Crusaders of Wits and Whacks and Worship Pages 255-267

Past Faculty Who are Still Living Pages 317-339

Past Faculty Who Have Died Since the Golden Jubilee of 1906 Pages 340-348

Silverman, Helaine. The Nasca

Publication Information The main body of the Publication Information page contains all the metadata that HRAF holds for that document.

Author: Author's name as listed in Library of Congress records Silverman, Helaine Proulx, Donald A., 1939-

Published By: Original publisher Malden, Mass. Oxford: Blackwell. 2002. xix, 339 p. ill., maps

By line: Author's name as appearing in the actual publication Helaine Silverman and Donald Proulx

HRAF Publication Information: New Haven, Conn.: Human Relations Area Files, 2015. Computer File

Culture: Culture name from the Outline of World Cultures (OWC) with the alphanumberic OWC identifier in parenthesis. Nazca (SE51)

Abstract: Brief abstract written by HRAF anthropologists who have done the subject indexing for the document This is a synthesis that aims to reconstruct the societal context for the existing archaeological record of Nazca material culture. The authors describe ceramics and iconography, sites and settlement patterns, the religious center of Cahuachi, agriculture, warfare, religion, ritual, and sociopolitical organization. They consider only phases 2-7 (ca. AD 1-700) as truly "Nazca," although coverage ranges from Nazca 1 or "Proto-Nazca" through Nazca 8 or "Loro" (ca. 200 BC-AD 800) all have been indexed for content within this collection.

Document Number: HRAF's in-house numbering system derived from the processing order of documents 6

Document ID: HRAF's unique document identifier. The first part is the OWC identifier and the second part is the document number in three digits. se51-006

Document Type: May include journal articles, essays, collections of essays, monographs or chapters/parts of monographs. Monograph

Language: Language that the document is written in English

Note: Includes bibliographical references (p. [292]-327) and index

Field Date: The date the researcher conducted the fieldwork or archival research that produced the document 1983-1985, 1988-1995, 1997, 1999

Evaluation: In this alphanumeric code, the first part designates the type of person writing the document, e.g. Ethnographer, Missionary, Archaeologist, Folklorist, Linguist, Indigene, and so on. The second part is a ranking done by HRAF anthropologists based on the strength of the source material on a scale of 1 to 5, as follows: 1 - poor 2 - fair 3 - good, useful data, but not uniformly excellent 4 - excellent secondary data 5 - excellent primary data Archaeologists-4, 5

Analyst: The HRAF anthropologist who subject indexed the document and prepared other materials for the eHRAF culture/tradition collection. Sarah Berry 2013

Coverage Date: The date or dates that the information in the document pertains to (often not the same as the field date). 2200-1150 BP (200 BC-AD 850)

Coverage Place: Location of the research culture or tradition (often a smaller unit such as a band, community, or archaeological site)

southern Cañete province, Lima region, Ica region, and Caravelí province, Arequipa region (south coast), Peru

LCSH: Library of Congress Subject Headings Nazca culture//Nazca pottery//Nazca Lines Site (Peru)//Nazca (Peru)--Antiquities

Copy and paste a formatted citation or use one of the links below to export the citation to your chosen bibliographic manager.

About this page

APA citation. Ott, M. (1912). Pope Urban VIII. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company.

MLA citation. Ott, Michael. "Pope Urban VIII." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 15. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912. <>.

Transcription. This article was transcribed for New Advent by Carol Kerstner.

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